Egypt’s new Gaza reconstruction plan outlines a $53 billion budget and a five-year recovery timeline. Notably, it does not mention Hamas, the ruling group in Gaza, which has responded positively to the proposal. The plan involves a non-partisan committee for initial governance, with the PA set to take over later. Experts suggest Hamas will remain influential in Gaza’s politics despite its non-inclusion, and that various armed factions must be addressed to achieve stability.
Egypt’s recent 91-page proposal for the reconstruction of Gaza, revealed at an Arab League summit, outlines a strategic vision for the region following the destruction caused by 15 months of conflict. The plan allocates a budget of $53 billion and proposes a five-year timeline for recovery, emphasizing a shift in governance that notably does not mention Hamas, the group currently in control of Gaza. Instead, the plan focuses on establishing a non-partisan technocratic committee to govern the territory initially, with the Palestinian Authority (PA) expected to take over fully afterward.
Despite not being explicitly included in Egypt’s plan, Hamas has responded positively, calling for its implementation. Analysts express that Hamas will remain a key player in Gaza’s future, although the organization has conveyed a disinterest in direct governance. Qossay Hamed from Al-Quds Open University emphasized that without Hamas’ agreement, no governance structure could function effectively in Gaza. This indicates that while Hamas might take a backseat in administration, it will not be excluded from the political discourse or leadership roles.
Egypt’s plan addresses the complex reality of armed groups in Gaza, acknowledging the persistent existence of various factions, including Hamas. The absence of a decisive Israeli demand to cease occupation contributes to the ongoing militarization of resistance groups. Furthermore, the plan suggests that stabilizing the territory will necessitate a political process granting rights to Palestinians affected by the conflict.
Egypt and Jordan are slated to assist in training Palestinian police forces as part of an overall strategy to enhance governance in a post-war environment. The proposal also calls for an international presence to support peacekeeping efforts in Gaza and the West Bank, with an eye toward eventual Palestinian self-governance and statehood.
The PA’s ability to return to governance in Gaza hinges on restoring its legitimacy among the populace, a task complicated by its current unpopularity under President Mahmoud Abbas. Observers note that the PA needs a transitional process to foster elections and ensure a broader representation of Palestinian interests in governance. Additionally, former Fatah leader Mohammed Dahlan and long-imprisoned figure Marwan Barghouti are often discussed as influential figures capable of uniting different factions but face challenges surrounding their public support in Gaza.
Overall, Egypt’s plan signifies a shift toward a governance framework in which Hamas remains influential, despite expressed reluctance to oversee day-to-day operations. This dynamic reflects the ongoing complexities of Palestinian politics, where the intertwining histories and relationships among various groups inform the future of governance in Gaza.
Egypt’s proposal for Gaza emphasizes reconstruction and governance without direct involvement of Hamas, a group that nonetheless retains significant influence. Although Egypt’s plan lays out a framework for a technocratic committee led by the PA, analysts indicate that Hamas’s agreement will be essential for any governance structure to succeed. The situation remains complex, with broader political dynamics affecting the legitimacy and future of Palestinian governance. It underscores the need for a credible political process addressing the rights of the Palestinian people, amidst ongoing challenges related to armed resistance and political accountability.
Original Source: www.middleeasteye.net
